Let's make everything about RACE (Unapologetically Black Thread)

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This is true, but there is also the question of opportunity. I do not think that there is any doubt as to who has still not received the opportunities that should be afforded to those who have defended a nation, one that is not of their own.
 
Again, what I have stated isn’t dismissive. Their plight is their plight. It still needs to be said that the all lives matter trope as indeed used against Black people, of whom will never have a claim to white privilege, as does every other non Black group. We should never be ashamed to point out such inconsistency.

We should also never be ashamed to point out similarities.

#STOPALLHATE
 
We should also never be ashamed to point out similarities.

#STOPALLHATE
Nope. In this land of inequality, it is important to point out that Black people do not receive the same opportunity as every other race of people in this country. Every other race of people were allowed loans to open businesses in neighborhoods that were deemed Black, except Black people. This is a fact, and a reality for all Black people in america.
 
Nope. In this land of inequality, it is important to point out that Black people do not receive the same opportunity as every other race of people in this country. Every other race of people were allowed loans to open businesses in neighborhoods that were deemed Black, except Black people. This is a fact, and a reality for all Black people in america.

Yea in this land of inequality it is also important not to diminish the struggles of other groups for your own benefit.
 
Yea in this land of inequality it is also important not to diminish the struggles of other groups for your own benefit.
Acknowledging our own struggle does not diminish the struggle of others. Our fight against slavery did not diminish the fight for women’s rights. In fact, the suffragist movement was inspired by such. So let’s not get it twisted, we need to focus on our own, before worrying about those who already live with a semblance of privilege, that is not afforded to US.
 
Acknowledging our own struggle does not diminish the struggle of others. Our fight against slavery did not diminish the fight for women’s rights. In fact, the suffragist movement was inspired by such. So let’s not get it twisted, we need to focus on our own, before worrying about those who already live with a semblance of privilege, that is not afforded to US.

you can acknowledge your own struggle out of the context of other people's struggles. Don't go into asian discussions about current attacks on their well-being with your own agenda.
 
you can acknowledge your own struggle out of the context of other people's struggles. Don't go into asian discussions about current attacks on their well-being with your own agenda.
First of all, this isn’t an asian discussion. I am discussing what Black people face. We are at the bottom of the totem pole in regard to equality in this country. Racism and privilege deeply intertwined. All others are allowed that privilege, just as long as they do not consider themselves Black. You see this with every ethnic group in america, as they try and distance themselves from such a designation. Since this is indeed the case, I refuse to try and put out the fire in someone else’s house, while my own is burning down. Even the airlines use the same analogy. If the plane is going down? Use the mask on yourself first. Right now, the plane is about to crash.
 
First of all, this isn’t an asian discussion. I am discussing what Black people face. We are at the bottom of the totem pole in regard to equality in this country. Racism and privilege deeply intertwined. All others are allowed that privilege, just as long as they do not consider themselves Black. You see this with every ethnic group in america, as they try and distance themselves from such a designation. Since this is indeed the case, I refuse to try and put out the fire in someone else’s house, while my own is burning down. Even the airlines use the same analogy. If the plane is going down? Use the mask on yourself first. Right now, the plane is about to crash.

First off I was referring to your antics in other threads. Leave Asian people alone, that's all.
 
First off I was referring to your antics in other threads. Leave Asian people alone, that's all.
My antics? There were no antics, as I only went after those who told me to leave the country, and then stating that there were too many Black threads on this site. There indeed are those who had wished to control the actions of Black people on this site, and they were dealt with. So, let’s not act like questioning what was said and done, was somehow wrong.
 
Exactly 154 years ago this month (May 1-3,) three days of riots in Memphis, Tennessee, left nearly 50 dead, scores more injured, over 90 buildings wrecked, and black residents scattered and terrified. The unrest started with a rumor of black-on-white crime: Black soldiers stationed at Fort Pickering on the city’s south bluffs had allegedly killed white policemen attempting to arrest an African American soldier. Less than a month earlier, the United States Congress had passed the Civil Rights Act of 1866, ostensibly guaranteeing citizens equal protection under the law and outlawing race-based discrimination.
The Memphis Massacre, as the event came to be known, shows how lack of federal oversight and enforcement can make a mockery of even the most robust civil-rights laws. Former Confederates could murder, rob, and rape African Americans with impunity. Although much has changed since the end of the Civil War, the fact remains that political violence undermines the democratic process even where civil-rights protections are supposedly in place.
In many ways, Tennessee was a model of reunification. The state had a Republican majority assembly and governor. Ulysses S. Grant would carry Memphis’s Shelby County in two presidential elections aided by African American men, to whom the state extended voting rights in 1867, three years before the Fifteenth Amendment. During the Civil War, Memphis was a beacon to freed people. Union forces had captured it in June of 1862, and the city on the Mississippi River attracted thousands of formerly enslaved people. It was diverse, too: By 1866, Memphis was home to Yankees, Jews, and Germans. The city was roughly one-fifth Irish, including 90 percent of its police and 87 percent of its fire department.
But as in so many corners of the Confederacy, the camps where former slaves lived swelled with the hungry, the sick, and those seeking to find opportunity and family. The Memphis refugee or “contraband” camps bred suspicion and hatred among local whites. Black Memphians competed with the Irish for low-paying jobs. Following the war’s end—in Memphis as elsewhere in the former Confederacy—politicians prioritized peace with ex-Confederates over justice for African Americans.
This set the stage for the violent days of May 1866. When the rumor of the black-on-white crime spread, Fort Pickering’s commander, General George Stoneman, confiscated black soldiers’ weapons and ordered them to their barracks. That left a nearby black neighborhood and an African American refugee camp unguarded. The next evening, a brawl broke out on South Street between white police and newly discharged black veterans of the 3rd U.S. Colored Heavy Artillery. Around the same time, a white mob assembled, including police and firemen, and attacked the camp of former slaves and African American neighborhoods.
Government officials led the mob. City Recorder John C. Creighton rallied the attackers, saying, “Boys, I want you to go ahead and kill every damned one of the ****** race and burn up the cradle.” Defying the orders of the Shelby County sheriff, the rioters fanned out from Causey and Vance Streets. That night, “the Negroes were hunted down by police, firemen and other white citizens, shot, assaulted, robbed, and in many instances their houses searched under the pretense of hunting for concealed arms, plundered, and then set on fire,” according to an Army investigation. “During [this] no resistance . . . was offered by the Negroes.”
Violence resumed late the next morning when “a posse of police and citizens again appeared in South Memphis and commenced an indiscriminate attack upon the Negroes, they were shot down without mercy, women suffered alike with the men, and in several instances little children were killed by these miscreants.” For the next two days, the city seemed to be at the mercy of the mob. “All crimes imaginable were committed from simple larceny to rape and murder,” the Army investigator reported. “Several women and children were shot in bed.” An African American woman, Rachel Johnson, “was shot and then thrown into the flames of a burning house and consumed. Another was forced twice through the flames and finally escaped. In some instances houses were [set ablaze] and armed men guarded them to prevent the escape of those inside.”
In the aftermath, no arrests or attempts at prosecution were made. Federal civil-rights enforcement was lacking, and General Stoneman refused to intervene. Memphis Mayor John Park washed his hands of the matter. Congress investigated, producing a detailed report. But there were no arrests, no trials, and no convictions. Even if the Fourteenth Amendment seemed to solve the legal problems of Reconstruction, there was no political will to bring the perpetrators to justice.
The Massacre showed the failures of Reconstruction even as congressional Republicans seized control from President Andrew Johnson, a Tennessean and former military governor of the state. Johnson’s lenient national policies toward rank-and-file ex-Confederates promoted peace and a speedy political reunification after the war ended in 1865. Ex-Confederate states reentered the Union on ex-Confederate terms.
White supremacy prevailed. The earliest version of the Ku Klux Klan formed in December 1865. Many Memphis businessmen who had supported the Confederacy were disenfranchised, and they refused to view civil authorities as legitimate. Tennessee outlawed integrated schools. Other states passed Black Codes restricting movement and undermining African Americans’ political activities. Mississippi passed a strict vagrancy statute aimed at forcing former slaves to work for former masters and forbade employers from luring workers with high wages. Newly elected legislators in states like South Carolina showed up in their old Rebel uniforms. And though white civil-rights supporters lived in Memphis and other cities, they were targets of violence—including during the Memphis Massacre.
Eventually, Congress wrested control of Reconstruction, passing the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and reauthorizing the Freedmen’s Bureau—which oversaw contracts and resettlement for former enslaved people and displaced whites—over Johnson’s vetoes. Legislators sent the Fourteenth Amendment to states for ratification, all while the president urged states not to approve the measure. After all, there was political benefit in this kind of aggressive legislating: African Americans made up the largest bloc of Union-loyal Southerners during the war and were potential Republican voters.
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My antics? There were no antics, as I only went after those who told me to leave the country, and then stating that there were too many Black threads on this site. There indeed are those who had wished to control the actions of Black people on this site, and they were dealt with. So, let’s not act like questioning what was said and done, was somehow wrong.

I was in that thread they just wanted you to leave them alone and stop tryna hijack their thread with you own agenda and antics.
 
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