DOES NIKETALK HAVE A PROBLEM WITH WOMEN?

Is it misogynistic to say that a married woman who posts swimsuit photos online should "go be a wife"?
Is it misogynistc to ask why is she seeking sexual attention outside of her marriage?
 
Social media is only used for attention seeking. We can agree on that, at least to a degree. We can also agree that not all pictures are equal. I’m not throwing up my 6pak in 3inch running shorts baby piled up because I don’t want THAT type of attention
 
truth be told, folk shouldn’t be policing or regulating what a person who’s married can and can’t post online. if she’s comfortable doin her, what’s there to question? if im questioning why my partner is posting on her IG, that’s might be a reflection of my own insecurity.
Of the two who’s insecure? The one needing validation or the one asking why the other is seeking validation?
 
Of the two who’s insecure? The one needing validation or the one asking why the other is seeking validation?

i can speak for my own insecurities but I can't project them onto someone else and assume that's how their emotions operate. If my female partner is posting bikini pics on her social media, sure it'd make me feel a bit uncomfortable, but what does that have to do with our relationship? if i'm bothered by that, then we've probably got issues beyond an IG post.

And if my partner's seeking attention or validation via social media, that's fair. When you're at the beach with your partner and she's wearing a bikini that catches other peoples' attention, is that a cause for concern?
 
i can speak for my own insecurities but I can't project them onto someone else and assume that's how their emotions operate. If my female partner is posting bikini pics on her social media, sure it'd make me feel a bit uncomfortable, but what does that have to do with our relationship? if i'm bothered by that, then we've probably got issues beyond an IG post.

And if my partner's seeking attention or validation via social media, that's fair. When you're at the beach with your partner and she's wearing a bikini that catches other peoples' attention, is that a cause for concern?
Well again, there’s differences based on the situation. There’s a huge difference between posting a picture and spreading your cheeks. We can agree on that correct? That comes down to respect. Nobody respects their man posting a vid of her making it clap. You can feel how you want about that any way you want but there’s a limit to what’s “ok” by any standard.
 
To be clear, the swimsuit photo I'm talking about was a woman in a one piece at Coachella
 
There’s a huge difference between posting a picture and spreading your cheeks.

:rofl::rofl:spreading cheeks? why is a woman posting a photo of herself in swimwear equated with this?

and what's that "standard" you're referring to and who set it?
 
:rofl::rofl:spreading cheeks? why is a woman posting a photo of herself in swimwear equated with this?

and what's that "standard" you're referring to and who set it?
Dude lol, I’m saying that not all posts and pictures a equal.

who sets the standard? YOU do for yourself. I don’t care what someone else is ok with. I have my limit and wouldn’t be with a girl who’d even entertain that mess.Just like I wouldn’t post a pic cheek to cheek with a random girl at a club while another one is cupping my meat thinking that’s fine.Cant just fall back on “oh well you’re just insecure” :lol
 
Dude lol, I’m saying that not all posts and pictures a equal.

who sets the standard? YOU do for yourself. I don’t care what someone else is ok with. I have my limit and wouldn’t be with a girl who’d even entertain that mess.Just like I wouldn’t post a pic cheek to cheek with a random girl at a club while another one is cupping my meat thinking that’s fine.Cant just fall back on “oh well you’re just insecure” :lol:

whoa.. the original question was about "swimsuit photos online" not photos of meat grabbing or cheek spreading. i'm not sure how the latter scenarios are comparable to a person posting an innocuous photo of them wearing minimal clothing.

to the original question D deleted posed, I would say yes. a woman still has agency and control over her body regardless of her marriage status. but generally the phrase "go be a wife" is problematic to begin with
 
The lesson called for them to dress in "a feminine manner to please the men" and to "address all men respectfully by title, with a lowered head and curtsy." It instructed them to "never criticize a male," "initiate a conversation" or "whine." It directed them to "walk behind men or walk daintily, as if their feet were bound." And they were told to cook, clean and "obey any reasonable request of a male. If not sure if it is considered reasonable, ladies can check with their teachers.”

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Saudi Arabia Holds Women's Conference With Not A Female In Sight (PICTURE)



An image of a conference in Saudi Arabia on the topic of “women in society” – with not a single female present - has gone viral.


The picture features row upon row of men in traditional keffiyeh and white thobes. A single Westerner in a flannel shirt is the only person breaking up an otherwise uniform sea of what appear to be Arab men.

We traced the picture back to Beladalorb.com, which says it was published in Saudi newspaper Okaz in 2012.

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Arkansas governor signs near-total abortion ban into law


LITTLE ROCK, Ark. (AP) — Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson on Tuesday signed into law legislation banning nearly all abortions in the state, a sweeping measure that supporters hope will force the U.S. Supreme Court to revisit its landmark Roe v. Wade decision but opponents vow to block before it takes effect later this year.

The Republican governor had expressed reservations about the bill, which only allows the procedure to save the life of the mother and does not provide exceptions for those impregnated in an act of rape or incest. Arkansas is one of at least 14 states where legislators have proposed outright abortion bans this year.


Hutchinson said he was signing the bill because of its “overwhelming legislative support and my sincere and long-held pro-life convictions.”

The bans were pushed by Republicans who want to force the U.S. Supreme Court to revisit its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortion nationwide. Conservatives believe the court is more open to striking down the decision following former President Donald Trump’s three appointments to the court.

“We must abolish abortion in this nation just as we abolished slavery in the 19th century – all lives matter,” Republican Sen. Jason Rapert, the bill’s sponsor said in a statement.

Hutchinson has signed several major abortion restrictions into law since taking office in 2015, but he had voiced concerns that this bill directly challenges Roe and about the lack of rape and incest exceptions. He repeated those concerns as he announced his decision.

“(The ban) is in contradiction of binding precedents of the U.S. Supreme Court, but it is the intent of the legislation to set the stage for the Supreme Court overturning current case law,” he said in a statement released by his office. “I would have preferred the legislation to include the exceptions for rape and incest, which has been my consistent view, and such exceptions would increase the chances for a review by the U.S. Supreme Court.”

As the Legislature considered the measure, Hutchinson shared with lawmakers a letter written by an attorney for abortion opponents National Right to Life that said the chances of the bill leading to Roe being overturned were “very small and remote.” National Right to Life didn’t take a position on the bill, though its Arkansas affiliate supported the ban.

The legislation won’t take effect until 90 days after the majority-Republican Legislature adjourns this year’s session. That means it can’t be enforced until this summer at the earliest. Abortion rights supporters said they plan to challenge the ban in court before then.

The American Civil Liberties Union of Arkansas called the ban “cruel and unconstitutional.”

“Governor Hutchinson: we’ll see you in court,” ACLU of Arkansas Executive Director Holly Dickson said.

“This is politics at its very worst,” Alexis McGill Johnson, president of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, said in a statement. “At a time when people need economic relief and basic safety precautions, dismantling abortion access is cruel, dangerous, and blatantly unjust.”

Hutchinson had until Wednesday afternoon to take action on the bill before it would have become law without his signature, a move past governors have taken to express displeasure with a bill without risking an override fight with the Legislature. It takes a simple majority for the Legislature to override a governor’s veto in Arkansas.

Arkansas has some of the strictest abortion measures in the country and two years ago Hutchinson signed into law a measure that would ban the procedure if the Roe decision was overturned. Another measure Hutchinson signed in 2019 banning abortions after 18 weeks of pregnancy is on hold due to a legal challenge.

Several other restrictions are still being considered in the Legislature, including one approved by the Senate a day earlier that would require a woman having an abortion to first be shown an ultrasound.

Another sweeping abortion ban was signed into law by South Carolina’s governor last month but was quickly blocked by a federal judge due to a legal challenge by Planned Parenthood. Alabama enacted a near-total ban on abortions in 2019 that has been blocked because of court challenges.


 
Republicans are big mad now. Watch for more BS like this. They just lost the stimulus battle so they’re bigly upset
 
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Owners of Christian reform school in Missouri charged with more than 100 counts of abusing girls


The owners of a former Christian reform school for girls in southwest Missouri are charged with more than 100 counts alleging they sexually, emotionally and physically abused girls for years.

Sixteen former residents of the Circle of Hope Girls Ranch in Cedar County say Boyd and Stephanie Householder frequently restrained them with handcuffs, whipped them with belts, taped their mouths shut and struck or punched them for minor offenses such as drinking from a spring or singing.

Boyd Householder, 71, is charged in 22 counts with having sexual contact, including sexual intercourse, with one girl who was younger than 17 at the time.

 
South Korea’s Misogyny

SEOUL, South Korea — My mother fled South Korea for two years in her 20s because she couldn’t stomach her domineering father. On her return, she was married off to my conservative father, whom she gradually realized she didn’t care for. Divorce was still taboo, so she opted to go to Canada with me in tow. The pretext for this long-distance marriage was my education, but it was also for her freedom from patriarchal expectations.
More than two decades have passed. She keeps her address in Canada but now spends considerable time with my father in Seoul. She also dines occasionally with her father, a frail man in his 90s. The arrangement works since the men in her life have grown subdued and she has more say over her life. With time, gender equality came to our family. Patiently waiting for improvement in gender relations, however, is not a strategy for South Korea.
The country awoke on May 17 to shocking news that a young woman had been stabbed to death in a bar restroom in a busy shopping district in Seoul. Reports of murder are hardly rare in this country, but the 30-something male suspect’s motive stunned people. After the arrest, he told the police that he committed the crime because women had always ignored him.
The incident prompted testimonials from many women about the amount of misogyny they endure. A large number of men, in turn, dismissed the notion that the killing was an act of misogyny and said that women were being hysterical.

Many men would rather not acknowledge that South Korea is an entrenched patriarchy and that toxic gender relations are taking a toll on society. Women’s status has stalled in the 21st century. Too many of them are treated like second-class citizens and suffer undue violence, objectification and discrimination.


There is no easy solution, but one important step would be to pass the anti-discrimination bill, which has stalled in the National Assembly for nearly a decade. It would mandate equal treatment for everyone regardless of gender or other factors. A clearly worded law would signal that women and minorities deserve equal rights.
It’s only on the surface that South Korea has made strides toward equality for women. The first female president currently leads the nation. We have an independent ministry of gender equality and family. Some 24-hour convenience stores are designated as places of refuge for women fleeing harm.
Still, the reality for South Korean women remains bleak.
Women made up 86 percent of all violent crime victims in 2013, according to police data (most violent crime is sexual in nature, and women suffer disproportionately from sexual crimes). Women aren’t safe at home, either: Reports of violence against women perpetrated by their husbands have been rising in recent years.
Women fare just as poorly in how they’re depicted. South Korean movies often show images of unimaginable cruelty toward the female body. A popular television cooking show recently described sizzling strips of pork belly as “better-looking than the rear” of a young girl-group member.


It’s no wonder then that the World Economic Forum ranks the country 115th out of 145 countries in gender equality. Women earn only two-thirds of what men earn, according to the Ministry of Employment and Labor. Women made up 2.3 percent of corporate executives at 348 of the largest 500 companies in South Korea in 2015 (others were exempt from reporting).
The typical male response to the May 17 killing hints at just how deep misogyny runs. Men invaded the memorial websites for the victim and flooded comment sections, telling women they were overreacting.
“You are as helpless as you let yourself be,” one man said on Facebook.
The culture of misogyny and gender inequality may be affecting family life, in a country facing predictions of population collapse. Research shows that a low fertility rate in developed countries reflects backward attitudes over female gender roles. Last year, the South Korean marriage rate tumbled to the lowest level in 12 years, and the birth rate is perennially one of the lowest in the world.
Meanwhile, South Korean men hold the record for doing the least amount of housework among the men in the world’s most developed countries — an average of just 45 minutes per day, or one-fifth of the time a South Korean woman spends.
As gender discussions heated up after the bar killing, the police asked the Korea Communications Standards Commission, the agency in charge of monitoring the internet, to delete online posts, which were said to exacerbate the tensions, in order to “prevent online conflicts from manifesting as society-wide conflicts.”
The government routinely scrubs what it deems unsavory from the internet, so this action wasn’t unusual. But in this case — removing individual citizens’ posts that used colorful language to express low opinions of men or women — it simply shut down the debate about women in society. Stifling speech is no cure for a rot deep inside South Korea.
Passing the long-stalled anti-discrimination bill would help reduce discrimination, create legal protections and compensation, and, hopefully, reduce misogyny. Although various United Nations conventions urge adoption of such a law, similar efforts have failed three times in the National Assembly since 2007 due to objections from the evangelical lobby and the business community.
My mother has made peace with her life. It’s her father who now regrets having infringed on her freedom. “You could’ve become a somebody,” he repeats at family meals, recalling her various talents. His change of heart comes too late for her, but it’s not too late to give respect to South Korean women of new generations.

 
Culture of Misogyny and Toxic Masculinity Driving Sexual Violence in Bangladesh


NEW DELHI, India, Jan 11 2021 (IPS) - In October 2020, Bangladeshi citizens took to the streets, outraged by the reports of gruesome gang rapes and sexual violence that were taking place in the country. According to Ain O Salish Kendra, a Bangladeshi human rights organization, 975 women were raped in the first nine months of 2020, 43 women were killed after being raped and 204 women were attempted to be raped by men in Bangladesh.

“There is a culture of impunity in the country and when it comes to accessing justice, corruption continues to be a major obstacle,” says Shireen Huq, women’s rights activist and founder Naripokkho, a non-profit organization that has been working on women’s rights and the impact of sexual violence in Bangladesh since 1983 to IPS News.

“Violence, male dominance and male aggression have existed for years, the tendency to glorify that these things didn’t happen in the past, and that it’s only happening now in our lifetime, is not true. Misogyny has been part of our culture, politics and society for centuries, especially across South Asia,” says Shireen.

In 2011, on the 40th year of Bangladesh’s independence, Naripokkho took up the cause of women who were subjected to grave sexual violence during the 1971 Bangladesh war. “The Forgotten Women of ‘71” is an initiative to both support Birangonas not yet recognized as eligible for state support and to launch a campaign for reparation and the restoration of their honour.

“Countless women were subjected to sexual violence by members of the Pakistani army and their collaborators and little had been done to stand by these women. Although the then newly formed independent Bangladeshi government within 6 days of victory conferred on them the title “birangona”, meaning warrior woman, in order to ensure that they were not subjected to the usual degradation and abuse that victims of sexual violence were subjected to in our culture. But unfortunately, this title became their bane and source of misery as it quickly turned into an abusive term.

Many families refused to take back their daughters when they were rescued from Pakistan army bunkers. Villagers pointed fingers and children threw stones at them. One of our Birangona sisters said, “because of what was done to me by Pakistani soldiers in 1971 you have robbed me of my life for the next 40 years,” says Shireen.

Survivors of gang rape and sexual assault regularly face social and cultural stigma, there is already lack of adequate access to psychological services and most importantly, there is a fear of losing their “honour” and bringing shame to their families when they are raped, and that makes it more difficult for women to testify or report crimes of sexual violence and assault.

“To call someone a “birangona” is to actually dishonour that person, and this narrative needed to be countered, that honour does not lie in a woman’s genitalia, what is a war crime should not be referred to as an honour crime.

“At the root of sexual violence there is a culture of misogyny and toxic masculinity that drives it. Looking at the gang rapes that happened in 2020 which sparked off a huge movement in Bangladesh in October, they were all committed by the student wing or the youth wing of the ruling party.

“Sexual violence has to do with the sense of male entitlement that it’s alright to invade a woman’s body. This is increasing because there is no rule of law right now, people know that they can get away with it,” says Shireen.

In order to protect vulnerable witnesses and victims of crimes, in 2006, a Witness Protection Act was drafted by the Bangladesh Law Commission, which is yet to be passed by the government. Without this law, gender-based violence remains one of the most pressing issues for human rights defenders in the country.

Earlier in 2017, Naripokkho started the ‘Standing with Rohingya Women’ initiative, following the reports of grave sexual violence preceding the influx of over 700,000 Rohingya refugees who crossed the border amid the escalating crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine State.

According to a UN report, brutal attacks and sexual violence against Rohingyas in northern Rakhine State were organised, coordinated and systematically implemented with the intent of not only driving the population out of Myanmar but preventing them from returning to their homes, and this instigated Naripokkho members to take up their cause and “not fail this time”.

“Naripokkho carries the pain and regret of what their Birangona sisters were subjected to post-Independence and the abusive treatment that continues until today. For Bangladeshi women, it took 40 years to break their silence, but the Rohingya women were ready to tell the whole world what had happened to them, how it happened and who did it. We felt Narripokkho’s role was to amplify their voices and to make sure we stood by these women now,” says Shireen.

In December 2020, authorities in Bangladesh began relocating thousands of Rohingya refugees to a remote flood prone island called Bhasan Char in the Bay of Bengal. About 1,600 refugees were transported by a ship, raising questions about their safety and consent.

“I doubt it is entirely voluntary, but I won’t be surprised if there are those willing to move to escape these sub-human, overcrowded makeshift camps in Cox’s Bazaar, it undoubtedly could be a better option, but the question is, is the Bhasan Char Island secure? Is it safe? Should people be living on that island? Why did the government choose that Island when everyone is saying it is precarious?” says Shireen.

International NGOs and UN agencies have been concerned about this shift and have opposed it all along. Sections of the media have also been critical of the Bangladesh government on the Bhashan Char issue.

“I wish the international community would also invest more energy and resources to make Myanmar accountable for the crimes against humanity it has committed in unleashing organised violence, arson, rape and forced deportation of the Rohingyas. Myanmar must be made to stop the genocide of Rohingyas and to immediately take steps for a safe return of the Rohingya population to their homeland, recognising them as citizens,” says Shireen.

 
BTW, the EGYPTIANS INVENTED BEER.


Women Dominated Beer Brewing Until They Were Accused of Being Witches
Strict gender norms and fears of witchcraft pushed them out of a centuries-long tradition

When I pose this question to students in my American literature and culture classes, I receive stunned silence or nervous laughs. The Sanderson sisters didn’t chug down bottles of Sam Adams in “Hocus Pocus.” But the history of beer points to a not-so-magical legacy of transatlantic slander and gender roles.

Humans have been drinking beer for almost 7,000 years, and the original brewers were women. From the Vikings to the Egyptians, women brewed beer both for religious ceremonies and to make a practical, calorie-rich beverage for the home.
In fact, the nun Hildegard von Bingen, who lived in modern-day Germany, famously wrote about hops in the 12th century and added the ingredient to her beer recipe.
From the Stone Age to the 1700s, ale – and, later, beer – was a household staple for most families in England and other parts of Europe. The drink was an inexpensive way to consume and preserve grains. For the working class, beer provided an important source of nutrients, full of carbohydrates and proteins. Because the beverage was such a common part of the average person’s diet, fermenting was, for many women, one of their normal household tasks.




The way this it is worded, is suggests the Vikings were before Egypt, of which is impossible.

While the article is pro women, it gives the invention to white women, and then not African women, Black women. It shows how people can be pro Women, yet still be a racist prick.
 
Speaking of that you probably know, but most people don't. Google why were chainsaws invented. #notfortrees
 
A Texas bill would allow the death penalty for patients who get abortions

A bill recently introduced in Texas would make it possible for women to get the death penalty for having abortions.

The bill would criminalize all abortions, with no exceptions for rape or incest, and would make it possible to charge a woman with homicide for having the procedure, according to the Washington Post. The state of Texas allows capital punishment for homicide.

Rep. Tony Tinderholt, a Republican state legislator who introduced the bill, says it would make people “consider the repercussions” of having sex.

 
The UN estimates that 200 million women and girls around the world have undergone female genital mutilation (FGM), with 80 per cent of cases occurring in Africa. The impact of Covid-19 has made some of the statistics on FGM even worse. Switzerland is committed to defending fundamental human rights: preventing and combating sexual and gender-based violence is a priority of its foreign policy and of its work in its partner countries.

200 million women and girls: that's 25 times the population of Switzerland. It's a figure that deserves to be in the public eye this 6 February, a day the United Nations has designated as the International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation

"This very painful practice has lifelong physical and psychological effects," explains the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). "Some 44 million of those who have undergone FGM are girls under the age of 15. Africa is by far the continent most affected by the issue of FGM, with 80 per cent of known cases."

A violation of human rights

A number of Switzerland's priority countries and regions in East Africa are affected by this problem. "Somalia, for example, has the highest rate of FGM in the world, with around 98 per cent of women having undergone the procedure," explains Martine Pochon, regional protection adviser for the Greater Horn of Africa. "In Sudan, which has just passed a law forbidding FGM, the figure still stands at 90 per cent." FGM has been practised for millennia in Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya, and is still common today. It is, however, an undeniable violation of the fundamental rights of women.

Recent developments linked to Covid-19 have worsened the problem. "There was an increase in cases of FGM in Sudan in 2020. This was partly due to lockdown measures and the closure of schools," says Pochon, speaking from the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, where Switzerland's cooperation office for the Horn of Africa is located. "Girls stayed at home, which allowed the operation to take place and left enough time during the lockdown for them to recover."

Another major issue is that Covid-19 and related measures have slowed or even halted efforts on the ground to combat FGM. "Covid-19 has affected our partners' capacity to prevent and respond to the abuse – notably by restricting their efforts to coordinate, raise awareness and maintain a presence on the ground, and by forcing the closure of facilities." The pandemic is also having a collateral impact on other issues relating to women and children. "Our colleagues on the ground are worried about a general increase in the frequency and danger of sexual and gender-based violence due to Covid-19 measures, domestic violence, forced marriages, child exploitation, dropping out of school, and other factors," Martine Pochon explains.

Global action across various sectors

How can FGM be eliminated? Local communities, experts and the international community are focusing on global, inclusive, long-term actions spanning different sectors, as well as legal reforms and national and multilateral policy. FGM is a social norm, which means that decisions to abandon it depend on several factors.

Switzerland is committed to the global fight against sexual and gender-based violence, and has made the prevention of such violence a priority of its foreign policy. Switzerland works actively with its local, national and international partners to raise awareness and protect local populations against sexual and gender-based violence. In its priority regions, it is developing and supporting various international programmes to educate and empower women, improve global health and boost economic development so that men and women can enjoy the same rights and live under the same conditions. Combating FGM is a feature of various programmes relating to public health and the fight against sexual and gender-based violence.

 
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